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Preventing peaceful protests from being hijacked by people engaging in violence

We’ve seen the peaceful protests, the looters, the police use of excessive force, and now the vigilantes.

For peaceful protestors, the majority of those out in the streets exercising their first amendment rights, this moment in American history cannot be overlooked. It’s pivotal. We care about living in cities and a country where African-American citizens are killed by police officers under questionable circumstances, a criminal justice system that is slow to investigate and prosecute these incidents, and racial, social and economic inequality that is too deeply rooted in the fabric of our country.

For looters their decision to engage in violence and arson is also born out of long held frustration with police, the criminal justice system and a society where racism is pervasive and never ending. Looting can also be motivated by the benefit of anonymity, opportunism, and getting caught up in the moment. But some people came to the protests (in cities such as Minneapolis, Portland, and Washington, D.C, to name a few) with the primary purpose of committing or encouraging violence: smashing windows, throwing items at police, and physically confronting police officers. Others with questionable motives drove cars and trucks into protestors. Some of these individuals were undoubtedly agent provocateurs (e.g., umbrella man in Minneapolis, ex-seal in Portland placing pipe bombs, etc.). In some cases the violence prone and looters were quickly identified by peaceful protestors, chased or handed over to the police. The presence of these individuals escalated the already tense situations and cast a negative light on the peaceful protests.

To this mix, enter armed right-wing militia. This is a dangerous but not unexpected development. The presence of vigilantes throughout American history is not something new, but under the Trump presidency (especially because of his appeals and rhetoric), and the power of news media outlets such as Fox News, controversial political commentators such as Rush Limbaugh and Alex Jones, QAnon, and social media, these individuals are organizing like never before. The recent killing of two men and the injuring of a third who were simply exercising their first amendment rights to peaceful protest and free speech, in Kenosha, by 17 year old pro-Trump Kyle Rittenhouse, is a case in point.

Peaceful protestors, organizers and law enforcement must guard against looters, agent provocateurs, right wing militia, and officers in their ranks who engage or encourage property destruction and violence. We need to be careful that peaceful protests don’t get hijacked by looters or right wing militia. Peaceful protestors need to continue to document via smart phones what they see, and upload this information to social media as soon as possible. Organizers of street protests need to establish rational plans to deal with looters and vigilantes.

As unpalatable at it may sound, peaceful protesters are probably going to require formal co-operation with law enforcement. These efforts should be formally documented in case there are later disagreements. It also means that law enforcement, from senior administrators down to the officers manning the barricades, must do their job to uphold and protect the right to peaceful protest and condemn the looters and vigilantes’ actions. Law enforcement must be appropriately trained in how to protect people in protests, including attending accredited riot control training, learning de-escalation techniques, and reminding them that they are there to serve and protect, not bash heads and ask questions later.

Law enforcement must send clear signals to their rank and file not to engage in violence, to protect the first amendment rights of the protestors, and be on the lookout for agent provocateurs, looters, and right-wing militia who will use these events as opportunities to flex their muscles. If rank and file do not follow these policies and practices they should be appropriately sanctioned and not simply given a slap on the wrist. And if governors send out the national guard, then they must sure that the individuals who are in their ranks follow the same protocols.

If these steps are not taken seriously and immediately, the outcomes will be a message translated to the American public that all protesters are violent, and this will only play into the hands of Trump, his enablers and supporters.

Back alleys as spaces of urban exploration

If I have time or I’m doing research, I explore neighborhoods of large urban environments, and if I feel safe the back streets and alleys located there.

For me the back alley, in particular, is place to escape, to experience distraction and possible danger, for reflection, and inspiration for creative activities; a place that might provide a shortcut, an opportunity.

Back alleys are also important to me because many of the individuals and the activities that they engage in that I study spend considerable time in these public spaces. In particular, important social actors transit through, work and occasionally live in the back alley including the homeless, dumpster divers, police officers, graffiti writers and street artists.

What do back alleys look like; how would I describe them?

There is a different sense of order in the back alley as compared to the front or façade of the buildings that line the alley.

In addition to the road which might be constructed out of asphalt, stone or brick, drainage is less important in back alleys as it is in the front of the buildings. Because of poor or nonexistent drainage, there are often puddles of water located there, alongside vehicles parked in the back alley, some of which are abandoned. We might also see rodent bait stations, that are used for rat abatement.

Back alleys typically have lots of doors leading to apartment buildings or businesses. The brick or concrete at the back of buildings is frequently a different color than at the front. Why? It’s cheaper to use these kinds of materials in these places. Often pieces of brick and concrete at the lower levels of the buildings are missing because over time, all types of vehicles have hit the structures. Sometimes the walls have graffiti or street art or both placed on them. We may see graffiti on the walls and on the garage doors on the loading docks. We may also see electrical poles that are hidden from the main streets.

Look further up the walls and depending on the city and the age of the building, you might also see metal fire escapes typically painted black. There are also signs with messages like no trespassing, no soliciting, no loitering, and violators will be prosecuted that are posted, and sometimes CCTV cameras strategically located on the buildings.

It’s typically dirtier in back alleys than in the front of the building. Garbage, waste and other sorts of debris in addition to metal dumpsters, of all different sizes, are frequently laden with graffiti, and sometimes with stickers at the back of buildings in the alley are visible. The smell of sewage and rotten trash is often noticeable.

People are often unhappy in the back alley. Sometimes homeless people sleep in the shelter of a door well at the back of buildings. If they’re not resting, they may have left their personal belongings there, hoping no one will steal them, while well they panhandle or forage for food on the street.

Not only is the back alley often a repository of human waste, the cast offs, and the wreckage, but a place of commerce and consumption (beyond informal, and illegal transactions, the sale of stolen goods, the practice of “forbidden” and illicit sex, and the use and sale of illegal drugs), and temporary residence (for the down and out).

Finally we may find animals that are rummaging for food or taking shelter. I’ve encountered stray cats and dogs. Dogs that homeless people may have as company might be hiding. Rats, raccoons, and mice too numerous to mention are located in these areas.

Not all cities have back streets and alleys, but most large urban centers do. The back alley is a subset of a larger whole (the city and neighborhood), and it is deserving of scholarly attention.

In urban planning, urban geography, and street crime, one of the frequently neglected aspects of the urban setting are the back alleys of our large urban environments, and what takes place there.

In many respects, the back alley conforms to what sociologist Erving Goffman in his book The Presentation of Everyday Life, said about the back stage; that physical area that is hidden to most people where a different language, behaviors and norms are engaged in and activities displayed.

The public frequently neglects the back streets alleys and tends to concentrate their activities on the façades of buildings. That’s understandable because important sources of commerce, are typically located on the main streets (or front stages). Rarely acknowledged, however, is that the front stage would not be able to properly function without the backstage (i.e., the back streets and alleys).

Some cities, due to urban development, have more back alleys than others, and over time back alleys change, sometimes transformed into livable or green spaces. We see this happening in locations where the property prices are very high, and property developers are willing to construct alternative housing arrangements. Occasionally back alleys are turned into cute enclaves where hipster businesses are located like technology or media companies, cafés, and music venues use them as entrances to clientele.

Part of the back alley phenomenon has to do with how the city grew and/or was originally laid out.

There is complexity and diversity in back alleys, to be explored, to be digested, to be categorized, and from which social scientists can draw connections to traditional scholarship.

Street Culture isn’t only experienced in urban centers

A common perception, often fueled by pop culture, is that street culture is only engaged in, observed, and experienced on the streets of our large cities, in particular places where low-income or working poor live. In principle this perception is justified. In reality, however, we can see, hear and/or watch (hereafter experience) street culture in a variety of settings.

To begin with, street culture can exist in nonurban locales, such as suburbs or near suburbs. Although these locations typically have lower population densities than inner cities, areas like the low-income banlieue of Paris and the Jane-Finch corridor of Toronto do not. These neighborhoods have a heavy concentration of low-income, unemployed, or working class people, including refugees, immigrants, and single family households, thus both population densities and opportunities for interpersonal conflict can be relatively high.

Additionally, street culture can be seen, watched, and represented in numerous physical environments located in various urban areas. These can include, but are not limited to bars, gyms, nightclubs, restaurants, stores, and transportation hubs, like bus, subway, and train stations. Street culture is also evident in our schools, especially the locker room or school yard where young men and women may engage in social comparison and neighborhood bullies may attempt to express their dominance. Street culture can also manifest inside our correctional facilities where in these typically hypermasculine environments, responses to norms about the street, especially who has power and who does not are played out on a daily basis.

Finally, we can experience street culture in numerous items made by our cultural industries, like books, movies, and television shows, episodes and series, that pervade our daily lives. In fact, so much that interests and engages the public are songs and fashions that have their origins on the street. A considerable amount of street wear and street style (e.g., brands like Supreme), for example, use the imagery and iconography of street culture in their messaging with the hopes that consumers will purchase their garments.

The more interesting question is not where and when does street culture exist, but how does street culture change when it enters different environments, and how do people adopt various aspects of street culture, and interact with others, inside these structures? For example, a homeless person who is trying to get out of the cold or rain may seek temporary shelter in a bus or a train station until a security guard or police officer instructs them to leave, or more typically chases them away. In the context of the transportation hubs, that homeless person may consciously or unconsciously subtly change their behavior in order to navigate the rough waters and give themselves a few moments of peace from the elements outside. Although this may be a result of socialization, or scripts, this behavioral accommodation is frequently referred to as “passing” or “code switching.”

Street culture is relatively pervasive, and here to stay. It’s not going away or being replaced by digital culture, and despite the COVID-19 global pandemic a stay at home culture. That’s why, at the very least, we need to understand its various types, locations, how it is presented to us, how it changes, and how it is used.

Photo credit
Photographer: nhatnguyen
Title: Chinatown Photo Essay