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In the struggle to #defundthepolice, where does the money go?

There are lots of things to love about The Wizard of OZ. One of my favorite parts is when the munchkins sing and dance to the song, “Ding Dong the witch is dead.” Just listening, watching and remembering the performance fills me with hope. I got that same feeling when I hear activists, scholars, and politicians advocating either the abolishment or defunding of police departments throughout the country. It sounds great and hopeful, but is it?

There is no question that police department budgets make up a ridiculous share of municipal and county budgets. There is undoubtedly a lot of fat to trim, and forcing people and organizations to do more with less, or in this case to do less with less, can often times lead to creative solutions. But as with most things; it isn’t as easy as it sounds. There are numerous unintended consequences that should be considered upfront. In other words, just taking money away is not the entire story. Folks need to also think about what happens to that excess funds (if any) and where do they end up?.

Many of us agree that there’s way too much reliance on the police to deal with many of society’s most intractable problems such as drug addiction, homelessness, domestic violence, among others and that bringing an armed officer, who is not trained to deal with these issues and situations they produce, may increase police violence against citizens. And I’m all for massive reforms in how communities traditionally respond to deviance, crime and people who run afoul of the law. But, we have been here before, perhaps not like this, and there have been numerous times when we tried to reform police policies and practices much in the way it is being proposed today.

So it is important to remind us of some historical lessons. Putting aside temporarily the concerns of both naysayers and experts who wonder who or what agency is going to respond to crime (if police departments were abolished completely), and how are law enforcement agencies going to be able to fight crime and pay for Department of Justice consent mandated reforms when their budgets are cut, taking funds away from the police means that this money will have to be allocated elsewhere – but who decides where?

The real problem in my mind is that once police department budgets have been reduced, as of now there are no guarantees in place that the savings to be accrued will be spent on the kinds of things that activists and other reformers want. Are our elected municipal and county executives going to channel the resources into improved counseling services for the mentally ill, or better public schools, public health services, and libraries?

In the past most municipal and county politicians were generally happy to pony up money for public safety because they did not want to appear to be soft on crime. However, now that this pressure is off, they have been given the green light to do something different. Barring the unique timing and legal constraints of each municipality and county with respect to shifting around money around in their budgets, here is what might happen when we defund the police:

To begin with, the cost savings to be incurred may be used to cover up deficits elsewhere- so this would be the first time in the history of the municipality or county where these entities no longer have to be run in deficit mode. Municipal and county politicians may decide that instead of shifting money to other needed city services, they would do the responsible thing and balance the city or county budget.

Alternatively, there may not be any money to realistically reappropriate. The current COVID-19 crisis has meant that city retail sales tax revenue has decreased, some businesses that pay taxes have gone bankrupt, and that increased tax-payer dollars have been spent on city services such as testing, fire and ambulance services, not to mention overtime expenditures for public safety responding to the protests in connection with the death of George Floyd.

Let’s say, however, that defunding leaves a real pot of money to spend. Where exactly will it be spent? Indeed, you might argue that it is now up to the police and public safety activists to insure that their elected officials allocate the money in the manner that advances the cause of racial and social justice, but this is not a given. For this to occur, activists and others must consult a city budget or spread sheet and demand that appropriate intensive process and outcome evaluations be done on these prosocial programs and services that they champion. At first glance, those wanting change might not have the tool kit to carry this to the end, although of course they can ally with folks who can.

Moreover, right now I’m confident that well-meaning (and some fly by night operators) are lining up at the doors (virtually) of countless municipal and county executives trying to convince them to fund largely non-evidence based pet projects. Some of these programs will be based on empirically tested social scientific research, while others will be chosen because of their originators best hopes and dreams.

Finally, few activists and commentators have mentioned the long and recent history of municipal corruption that has plagued the United States. Cities such as Baltimore, Detroit, New Orleans, and New York, for example, have been epicenters for this kind of activity. It is also possible that the money will be spent on projects that financially benefit municipal and county executives, including their families and friends, through no bid contracts, and sham organizations.

These are sobering possibilities that must be taken into consideration alongside efforts to defund the police if meaningful change is expected.

It’s great that there is now an increased sense of purpose to reexamine how much money we spend on policing, and how it has not produced the outcomes we desire.

It’s also helpful to examine where our tax dollars go, but also to be careful of what you ask for, as you may end up getting it.

Graffiti & Street Art in reaction to the death of George Floyd

Shortly after George Floyd was killed by a white Minneapolis police officer (May 25, 2020), many graffiti and street artists responded. Tags, throw-ups, and memorial style work appeared throughout the country honoring Floyd’s memory; the legacy of black lives taken at the hands of law enforcement; and, expressing dissatisfaction with police, the criminal justice system, and the presidency of Donald Trump. Like graffiti and street art in general, much of this creative activity motivated by anger, creativity, frustration, opportunity, and sadness is illegal and unsanctioned, while other pieces were sanctioned murals.

The graffiti and street art that appeared in the United States and around the world varied in terms of its type, content, complexity, the colors used, and the surfaces in which it appeared. In other countries, not only did the protests and the graffiti and street art that accompanied it mirror many of the themes seen in the United States, but it also featured homages to individuals who died at the hands of the police under questionable circumstances.

A considerable amount of the visual communication on the streets has been murals of George Floyd; large colorful panels of his face often accompanied with his dying words “I can’t breathe” written below or on top. (Already some of these pieces have been defaced by individuals who did not like the political message undergirding these images, including counter tags with the message #whitelivesmatter).

Numerous expressions of discontent that were seen on protest signs were also replicated as graffiti and street art. These included “I can’t breathe,” or #defund the police. Acronyms such as ACAB (i.e., All Cops Are Bastards) and familiar expressions such as “Black Lives Matter” or BLM appeared to be almost everywhere.

Since it is no longer necessary to see graffiti and street art up close or via print media, on can see this activity via different social media platforms, and sometimes in real time as the writers affixed these visual communications on walls, etc. The replication effect was not simply via social media as our 24 hour cable news networks that have been covering the protests and riots have also captured the graffiti and street art as well.

Not only walls, but numerous monuments, memorials, and commemorative plaques to people and events, relics to a bygone era, have been hit with tags with the words “racists,” or “murderers” spray painted on them. (In some cases they were destroyed or even torn down).

Numerous boarded up storefronts of businesses have also provided useful canvases. In some cases, the sheer number of people on the streets provided a makeshift camouflage for the activities of the spray painters and wheat pasters, and provided them with a level of anonymity to do their work unfettered.

As the graffiti and street art laden plywood panels covering the windows of storefronts and buildings are removed, contractors and Department of Public Works employees start their power washers and the grey ghosts (i.e., anti-graffiti/street art vigilantes who paint over graffiti and street art) start doing their work, and some cities (e.g., Washington, DC) pay lip service to government sanctioned Black Lives Matter murals, it’s worth remembering that just because most graffiti and street art is ephemeral, it also has the power to raise the collective consciousness of our country.

It reminds us that we must continuously struggle for racial equality, ending police violence, and fighting for a leadership that places the will of the people before the desires of a few, the rich and the powerful.

Eliminating or reducing police violence by abolishing or defunding the police?

It was predictable. With the sheer number of people across America in the streets, protesting the killing of Minneapolis resident George Floyd by white police officers, many officers would respond with violence.

Over the past week, we have experienced or witnessed firsthand or via social media a lot of uncalled for and unprovoked police use of force and excessive force (i.e., choke holds, knee pinnings, tear gas, use of police vehicles to move people, rubber bullets, etc.) as a response to peaceful protestors.

As someone who has studied police use of force, this practice has deep-roots in the history of our country, and despite the gradual delimitation of situations in which force can be legally applied (e.g., the use of force continuum), the practice has largely remained intact due in part to the legal system (e.g., qualified immunity), the power of police unions, and other powerful social institutions. One of the most dominant themes in the history of American policing have been calls for change and the necessity of reform. But changing the police has been an uphill battle; few wins, and lots of backsliding.

At the same time as the Democratic party attempts to pass police reform legislation through Congress, two relatively radical proposals have recently garnered attention via the protests, news, and social media: abolishing/dismantling the police and defunding the police. Although these calls are gaining some support, they are also predictably encountering push back from conservative politicians and pundits, and police unions because these constituencies feel that their power is being challenged, fear of groups who are advocating these positions, and the alternatives have yet to be clearly specified. There’s also the perception that we can’t just get rid of the police because if we do who will protect and keep us safe from criminals, and other dark elements in our society?

Radical or not, efforts are underway in Minneapolis to “dismantle” the police department and create a new mechanism to provide public safety to the residents of that city. And in New York City, Mayor Bill De Blasio, heavily criticized in the wake of police actions surrounding the recent protests, announced late Sunday night he plans to decrease funding to the NYPD.

These recent developments beg the question, is abolition really a utopian idea? Not entirely. For example, Quakers, and a large constituency in the academic field of criminology and criminal justice, who have been advocating for the abolition of prisons for a very long time. In addition to forming the International Conference on Penal Abolition, holding biannual meetings, regular panels at learned conferences, and a burgeoning amount of scholarship, their greatest success has been in raising awareness of the costliness of prisons both financially, but also in terms of the human toll they exact on those who are incarcerated, their loved ones, and the rest of society. When we consider dismantling the police we are forced to consider other possible mechanisms that may achieve the same goals as we entrust to police departments.

An intermediate position is the reallocation of police budgets. Most Americans are shocked at the ridiculously large sums we spend on our police and the percentage they consume in our municipal and county budgets. For example, the NYPD alone spends 6 billion dollars a year.

How does this happen? Every year chiefs and commissioners of police, armed with fancy PowerPoint presentations, stand in front of city hall and/or county executives and make their case why they deserve more money. As a matter of organizational survival this makes sense. And, few elected politicians want to appear weak on crime (remember Willie Horton), so they capitulate and almost rubber stamp these inflated police budgets. Likewise police unions and accrediting bodies have pushed police departments and the governmental bodies that they are beholden to increase their budgets to alarming levels.

Assuming that budgets will largely remain intact, we need to insure that police budgets are spent on the kinds of things communities (not just the police) want it spent on (i.e., reallocation) such as improved police training, better police community relations, police accountability measures, police athletic league programs (similar to the one that operated Baltimore example), etc. But in the proportions that citizens want.

The alternative option is defunding. Defunding the police makes budgetary sense. Since the 1960s we have asked our policy makers and legislators to cut back the ridiculous amounts we spend on the military. As a response we have public (aka governmental) watch dog agencies that monitor government agency spending, to keep it in check.

There are plenty of ideas floating around regarding what to do with the surplus of police budgets or with their proposed budget increases. We can channel the remaining money into programs and professionals (e.g., social workers, public school teachers, etc.) that better help the community in various ways. For example, why call a police officer when a homeless person seems to be disruptive? A better professional might be a social worker who’s trained to deal with this population.