Some people may assume that street culture, defined as “the beliefs, dispositions, ideologies, informal rules, practices, styles, symbols, and values associated with, adopted by, and engaged in by individuals and organizations that spend a disproportionate amount of time on the streets of large urban centers” (Ross, 2018, p. 8), or elements thereof, are unique to particular communities, neighborhoods, cities, countries, or regions.
Why might individuals hold this impression? Casual observers, including tourists, often encounter vibrant or unusual street cultures in “hip” places like Williamsburg (New York City), Hackney (London), or Shimokitazawa (Tokyo), or dangerous urban areas (often referred to as ghettos, barrios, favelas or “no go areas”) such as Rocinha, Rio de Janeiro, Scampia, Naples, Tower Hamlets, London. This often leads the bystanders or spectators to believe that the behaviors and dispositions of people that they observe on the street in these locations are unique to these places. For instance, while certain elements of streetwear (e.g., shoes, hats, jackets, etc.) or body modifications (e.g., tattoos, body piercings, etc.) (prominent visual aspects of street culture), may indeed have originated in these areas, it’s inaccurate to suggest that they are exclusive to them.
There are likely three primary reasons why there is considerable dissemination of street culture.
First, individuals in advanced industrialized democracies are relatively mobile. They freely move from one neighborhood, city, county, state, region, or country to another. For instance, people may reside in one part of a urban location, work in another, and spend their leisure time in a completely different area.
Second, in today’s globalized world, individuals are exposed to a plethora of media forms, signs and significations, and diverse information sources. They have the freedom to select, be influenced by, and integrate various cultural elements into their thinking and behavioral repertoires.
Third, when considering streetwear or fashion most people’s clothing choices are often serendipitous rather than the result of conscious decisions. Sure, they might dress according to the occasion, be it work, leisure, or sports, but they may equally simply reach into their drawers or open their closets and select an item that first catches their eye, one that is clean, or that they have not worn for a while.
That being said, there are also numerous examples where selected elements of street culture thought to be generalizable to communities, neighborhoods, etc. worldwide don’t work (or travel well). For example, Elijah Anderson posits that the “Code of the Street” phenomenon (a set of informal rules and expectations governing interpersonal behavior, particularly among residents of inner-city neighborhoods in the United States that includes norms about respect, territoriality, street smarts, and the use of violence) not only applies to the North Philadelphia neighborhood of Sugar Hill, where he did his fieldwork, but to similar neighborhoods around the world. Scholarship by Sebastian Kurtenbach and colleagues, for example, indicates that the code of the street phenomenon is not as universal as Anderson implies.
What are the implications of these observations? It suggests that when conducting research on or making generalizations about street culture, it’s crucial to recognize that what occurs in one neighborhood may or may not happen in others as well. Therefore, findings may not be as unique as initially assumed. Equally important is to understand is what enables or frustrates their dissemination, and who and why they adopt these dispositions and behaviors.
In conclusion, understanding if street culture is special to particular neighborhoods or if we see similar patterns in other communities is important not just for research and understanding purposes, but it could assist in efforts to engage communities, the distribution of scarce resources, policy development, and the implementation of social programs. By acknowledging the mobility of individuals, the influence of media, and the serendipitous nature of human behavior, we can appreciate the interconnectedness of street cultures worldwide.
Photo Credit
Title: Cholo style, originating from Chicanos in the US, can be seen here as adopted by men from Cacos 13, a gang from the La Neza neighbourhood of Mexico City.
Photographer: CC by 2.0
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/Screenshot-2024-04-20-at-11.19.11 PM.png11701504Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-21 08:23:002024-04-21 08:44:21Does Street Culture Travel?
Numerous scholarly books and texts designed for classroom use about the field of corrections have been researched, written and published. The overall tenor of these works, however, is conservative, emphasising a management perspective, and outlining the nuts and bolts of how prisons work, the job functions of correctional workers, conditions inside correctional facilities, the different types of inmates, etc.
There is an underlying logic to this instructional content. To begin with, corrections is typically taught in community colleges and universities as part of a larger curriculum in Criminology and Criminal Justice. Putting pure interest aside, students who take classes in this field are typically either current or prospective criminal justice practitioners. They believe that knowing about jails, prisons, inmates, policies, etc. might assist them in their jobs, enable them to secure work in this subfield, or help them to decide if they want a career as a correctional worker or administrator. But this approach to pedagogy is usually system affirming, one that seeks to reinforce rather than change the status quo.
Criminologists, however, should avoid this perspective to the subject. We should always strive to improve the criminal justice system, to apply the knowledge we have accumulated, to improve working conditions, and to increase the likelihood that incarcerated people re-enter society rehabilitated. Few of the books on jails and prisons, however, approach the subject in a critical manner.
That being said, approximately three decades ago, a new academic perspective emerged – one that prioritised the voices of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals. Convict Criminology was born not only to share the lived experience insights of this often ignored or marginalised group, but also to assist them in earning doctoral degrees and finding their rightful place in academia.
In addition to its noble goals, Convict Criminology has also encompassed strong mentoring, teaching, activist and public policy components.
Many individuals who have been exposed to and/or adopted the Convict Criminology approach have assisted numerous inmates and formerly incarcerated people. These men and women, either when they are behind bars or released, find it liberating, recognise that in terms of the knowledge they have accumulated (between the time of their initial arrest to that of release), their lived experience might advance the scholarly field of corrections, criminology and criminal justice.
Over the years, a significant amount of scholarship on Convict Criminology has been published, including peer-reviewed articles, chapters and books. It was only a matter of time before a comprehensive text consolidating and interpreting the existing literature on Convict Criminology was available.
Introduction to Convict Criminology traces the history of Convict Criminology and its numerous accomplishments. It reviews the challenges of and solutions to teaching convicts and formerly incarcerated individuals, mentoring convicts and formerly incarcerated students; activism and public policy work; and the future of Convict Criminology.
Convict Criminology is not only a critical approach to the study of corrections, criminology and criminal justice, but it has also given hope to numerous men and women. One must keep in mind that the whole Convict Criminology approach is not simply for people who are convicts or ex-convicts, but also for people interested in the Convict Criminology praxis who have had contact or been involved with, or impacted by, the criminal justice system. Although they may not have been incarcerated, they may have been arrested, charged but not convicted of a criminal offence, may have a criminal record but did not serve time, or they may have a loved one who was incarcerated.
Convict Criminology could not have achieved so much without the support of numerous individuals committed to its goals. And in many respects this book is a result of these efforts.
Jeffrey Ian Ross is Professor in the School of Criminal Justice and Research Fellow with the Center for International and Comparative Law and the Schaefer Center for Public Policy at the University of Baltimore.
The views and opinions expressed on this blog site are solely those of the original blog post authors and other contributors. These views and opinions do not necessarily represent those of the Policy Press and/or any/all contributors to this site.
Image: Gwénaëlle Moalic Lorre
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/Screenshot-2024-04-15-at-8.09.24 PM.png426710Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-15 18:22:282024-04-15 19:57:13Criminology to challenge the status quo
Last week during a campaign event, held in Grand Rapids, Michigan, after former President Donald Trump’s xenophobic rant, James Tignanelli, head of the Police Officers Association of Michigan (representing 10,000 members) announced that the organization which he leads, was endorsing the former President’s bid for reelection.
Historically this kind of support, should come as no surprise. Police officer associations, organizations and unions (not all the same) have endorsed candidates (typically Republican) running for all levels of political office. Moreover, in March 2024, the International Union of Police Associations (with its 10,000 members) and the Florida Police Benevolent Association (FBPA), Florida’s largest law enforcement union also gave their blessing to Trump’s reelection bid.
That being said, although the rank and file law enforcement officers can vote their own consciences, current police union endorsements appear unusual, if not contradictory, when one is to consider the events of January 6, 2021, when Trump encouraged a large unruly mob to storm the capitol.
Not only did the public see televised images of insurrectionists breaking into the capitol, but beating and injuring Capitol Police and other law enforcement officers who were sent in to end the siege. In the end there were numerous injuries and a handful of deaths, and several criminal indictments, and convictions of insurrectionists.
From their role as strike breakers to policing protests, police (more specifically their unions and associations) have always been a conservative lot. But supporting Trump in this manner is unusual in this current context.
This begs a number of questions.
Although the endorsement was criticized by a handful of Trump critics, and raised eyebrows in selected quarters of social media, the largest labor organizations representing the interests of police in the United States, such as the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) (355,000 members); and National Association of Police Organizations (NAPO) (241,000 members) were silent. Maybe they are waiting to see if Trump is convicted of criminal charges, but given their 2020 endorsements of Trump, it’s quite likely that they will endorse Trump in 2024.
Thus, beyond the obvious, (i.e., Trumps approach to law and order, and the border crisis) why are the police officer unions, associations and organizations enabling Trump?
It might be that the police unions, and their heads want more national attention and by staking out a controversial position like supporting Trump they believe that it’s a good way to go about accomplishing this.
Alternatively, they don’t know any better. They may be low information voters. And thus, it they have taken a position regardless of the information that is presented to them.
More realistically, there is a general inability among many of Trump’s supporters to see or recognize contradictions in their actions and beliefs. Often they seem to be comfortable with compartmentalizing beliefs that to other people would seem to be contradictory. They may also be suffering like many of us from cognitive inflexibility.
So, how might we respond to police unions supporting Trump?
It’s tempting to put both hands in the air and say that you give up.
However, those of us who work in or with the criminal justice profession—be it as practitioners, instructors, or scholars—possess a unique vantage point that allows us to wield some influence.
Many of our students are former, current, or aspiring law enforcement officers, thus offering us a direct avenue for engagement. By actively confronting the contradictions within their beliefs, we might be able to provide them a deeper understanding. This is not easy and will involve regular and consistent dialogue and mentorship, where we attempt to professionally dissect their perspectives and challenge their ingrained notions. Through these efforts, we might be able to foster critical introspection, not only affecting their political beliefs, but with this knowledge, they may also be able to influence their co-workers so that they too make more critical decisions about their political future.
Photo Credit:
Photographer: Mostafa Bassim
Title: Police clash with a mob of Trump supporters who breached security and stormed the U.S. Capitol building on Jan. 6, 2021.
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/Screenshot-2024-04-07-at-9.04.32 PM.png10722040Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-07 18:34:152024-04-08 09:25:56A police union’s endorsement of Trump is not a happy one
Does Street Culture Travel?
/by Jeffrey Ian RossSome people may assume that street culture, defined as “the beliefs, dispositions, ideologies, informal rules, practices, styles, symbols, and values associated with, adopted by, and engaged in by individuals and organizations that spend a disproportionate amount of time on the streets of large urban centers” (Ross, 2018, p. 8), or elements thereof, are unique to particular communities, neighborhoods, cities, countries, or regions.
Why might individuals hold this impression? Casual observers, including tourists, often encounter vibrant or unusual street cultures in “hip” places like Williamsburg (New York City), Hackney (London), or Shimokitazawa (Tokyo), or dangerous urban areas (often referred to as ghettos, barrios, favelas or “no go areas”) such as Rocinha, Rio de Janeiro, Scampia, Naples, Tower Hamlets, London. This often leads the bystanders or spectators to believe that the behaviors and dispositions of people that they observe on the street in these locations are unique to these places. For instance, while certain elements of streetwear (e.g., shoes, hats, jackets, etc.) or body modifications (e.g., tattoos, body piercings, etc.) (prominent visual aspects of street culture), may indeed have originated in these areas, it’s inaccurate to suggest that they are exclusive to them.
There are likely three primary reasons why there is considerable dissemination of street culture.
First, individuals in advanced industrialized democracies are relatively mobile. They freely move from one neighborhood, city, county, state, region, or country to another. For instance, people may reside in one part of a urban location, work in another, and spend their leisure time in a completely different area.
Second, in today’s globalized world, individuals are exposed to a plethora of media forms, signs and significations, and diverse information sources. They have the freedom to select, be influenced by, and integrate various cultural elements into their thinking and behavioral repertoires.
Third, when considering streetwear or fashion most people’s clothing choices are often serendipitous rather than the result of conscious decisions. Sure, they might dress according to the occasion, be it work, leisure, or sports, but they may equally simply reach into their drawers or open their closets and select an item that first catches their eye, one that is clean, or that they have not worn for a while.
That being said, there are also numerous examples where selected elements of street culture thought to be generalizable to communities, neighborhoods, etc. worldwide don’t work (or travel well). For example, Elijah Anderson posits that the “Code of the Street” phenomenon (a set of informal rules and expectations governing interpersonal behavior, particularly among residents of inner-city neighborhoods in the United States that includes norms about respect, territoriality, street smarts, and the use of violence) not only applies to the North Philadelphia neighborhood of Sugar Hill, where he did his fieldwork, but to similar neighborhoods around the world. Scholarship by Sebastian Kurtenbach and colleagues, for example, indicates that the code of the street phenomenon is not as universal as Anderson implies.
What are the implications of these observations? It suggests that when conducting research on or making generalizations about street culture, it’s crucial to recognize that what occurs in one neighborhood may or may not happen in others as well. Therefore, findings may not be as unique as initially assumed. Equally important is to understand is what enables or frustrates their dissemination, and who and why they adopt these dispositions and behaviors.
In conclusion, understanding if street culture is special to particular neighborhoods or if we see similar patterns in other communities is important not just for research and understanding purposes, but it could assist in efforts to engage communities, the distribution of scarce resources, policy development, and the implementation of social programs. By acknowledging the mobility of individuals, the influence of media, and the serendipitous nature of human behavior, we can appreciate the interconnectedness of street cultures worldwide.
Photo Credit
Title: Cholo style, originating from Chicanos in the US, can be seen here as adopted by men from Cacos 13, a gang from the La Neza neighbourhood of Mexico City.
Photographer: CC by 2.0
Criminology to challenge the status quo
/by Jeffrey Ian Ross(This article was originally published on Transforming Society April 15, 2024).
Numerous scholarly books and texts designed for classroom use about the field of corrections have been researched, written and published. The overall tenor of these works, however, is conservative, emphasising a management perspective, and outlining the nuts and bolts of how prisons work, the job functions of correctional workers, conditions inside correctional facilities, the different types of inmates, etc.
There is an underlying logic to this instructional content. To begin with, corrections is typically taught in community colleges and universities as part of a larger curriculum in Criminology and Criminal Justice. Putting pure interest aside, students who take classes in this field are typically either current or prospective criminal justice practitioners. They believe that knowing about jails, prisons, inmates, policies, etc. might assist them in their jobs, enable them to secure work in this subfield, or help them to decide if they want a career as a correctional worker or administrator. But this approach to pedagogy is usually system affirming, one that seeks to reinforce rather than change the status quo.
Criminologists, however, should avoid this perspective to the subject. We should always strive to improve the criminal justice system, to apply the knowledge we have accumulated, to improve working conditions, and to increase the likelihood that incarcerated people re-enter society rehabilitated. Few of the books on jails and prisons, however, approach the subject in a critical manner.
That being said, approximately three decades ago, a new academic perspective emerged – one that prioritised the voices of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals. Convict Criminology was born not only to share the lived experience insights of this often ignored or marginalised group, but also to assist them in earning doctoral degrees and finding their rightful place in academia.
In addition to its noble goals, Convict Criminology has also encompassed strong mentoring, teaching, activist and public policy components.
Many individuals who have been exposed to and/or adopted the Convict Criminology approach have assisted numerous inmates and formerly incarcerated people. These men and women, either when they are behind bars or released, find it liberating, recognise that in terms of the knowledge they have accumulated (between the time of their initial arrest to that of release), their lived experience might advance the scholarly field of corrections, criminology and criminal justice.
Over the years, a significant amount of scholarship on Convict Criminology has been published, including peer-reviewed articles, chapters and books. It was only a matter of time before a comprehensive text consolidating and interpreting the existing literature on Convict Criminology was available.
Introduction to Convict Criminology traces the history of Convict Criminology and its numerous accomplishments. It reviews the challenges of and solutions to teaching convicts and formerly incarcerated individuals, mentoring convicts and formerly incarcerated students; activism and public policy work; and the future of Convict Criminology.
Convict Criminology is not only a critical approach to the study of corrections, criminology and criminal justice, but it has also given hope to numerous men and women. One must keep in mind that the whole Convict Criminology approach is not simply for people who are convicts or ex-convicts, but also for people interested in the Convict Criminology praxis who have had contact or been involved with, or impacted by, the criminal justice system. Although they may not have been incarcerated, they may have been arrested, charged but not convicted of a criminal offence, may have a criminal record but did not serve time, or they may have a loved one who was incarcerated.
Convict Criminology could not have achieved so much without the support of numerous individuals committed to its goals. And in many respects this book is a result of these efforts.
Jeffrey Ian Ross is Professor in the School of Criminal Justice and Research Fellow with the Center for International and Comparative Law and the Schaefer Center for Public Policy at the University of Baltimore.
Introduction to Convict Criminology By Jeffrey Ian Ross is available on the Bristol University Press website. Order the book here for £27.99.
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The views and opinions expressed on this blog site are solely those of the original blog post authors and other contributors. These views and opinions do not necessarily represent those of the Policy Press and/or any/all contributors to this site.
Image: Gwénaëlle Moalic Lorre
A police union’s endorsement of Trump is not a happy one
/by Jeffrey Ian RossLast week during a campaign event, held in Grand Rapids, Michigan, after former President Donald Trump’s xenophobic rant, James Tignanelli, head of the Police Officers Association of Michigan (representing 10,000 members) announced that the organization which he leads, was endorsing the former President’s bid for reelection.
Historically this kind of support, should come as no surprise. Police officer associations, organizations and unions (not all the same) have endorsed candidates (typically Republican) running for all levels of political office. Moreover, in March 2024, the International Union of Police Associations (with its 10,000 members) and the Florida Police Benevolent Association (FBPA), Florida’s largest law enforcement union also gave their blessing to Trump’s reelection bid.
That being said, although the rank and file law enforcement officers can vote their own consciences, current police union endorsements appear unusual, if not contradictory, when one is to consider the events of January 6, 2021, when Trump encouraged a large unruly mob to storm the capitol.
Not only did the public see televised images of insurrectionists breaking into the capitol, but beating and injuring Capitol Police and other law enforcement officers who were sent in to end the siege. In the end there were numerous injuries and a handful of deaths, and several criminal indictments, and convictions of insurrectionists.
From their role as strike breakers to policing protests, police (more specifically their unions and associations) have always been a conservative lot. But supporting Trump in this manner is unusual in this current context.
This begs a number of questions.
Although the endorsement was criticized by a handful of Trump critics, and raised eyebrows in selected quarters of social media, the largest labor organizations representing the interests of police in the United States, such as the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) (355,000 members); and National Association of Police Organizations (NAPO) (241,000 members) were silent. Maybe they are waiting to see if Trump is convicted of criminal charges, but given their 2020 endorsements of Trump, it’s quite likely that they will endorse Trump in 2024.
Thus, beyond the obvious, (i.e., Trumps approach to law and order, and the border crisis) why are the police officer unions, associations and organizations enabling Trump?
It might be that the police unions, and their heads want more national attention and by staking out a controversial position like supporting Trump they believe that it’s a good way to go about accomplishing this.
Alternatively, they don’t know any better. They may be low information voters. And thus, it they have taken a position regardless of the information that is presented to them.
More realistically, there is a general inability among many of Trump’s supporters to see or recognize contradictions in their actions and beliefs. Often they seem to be comfortable with compartmentalizing beliefs that to other people would seem to be contradictory. They may also be suffering like many of us from cognitive inflexibility.
So, how might we respond to police unions supporting Trump?
It’s tempting to put both hands in the air and say that you give up.
However, those of us who work in or with the criminal justice profession—be it as practitioners, instructors, or scholars—possess a unique vantage point that allows us to wield some influence.
Many of our students are former, current, or aspiring law enforcement officers, thus offering us a direct avenue for engagement. By actively confronting the contradictions within their beliefs, we might be able to provide them a deeper understanding. This is not easy and will involve regular and consistent dialogue and mentorship, where we attempt to professionally dissect their perspectives and challenge their ingrained notions. Through these efforts, we might be able to foster critical introspection, not only affecting their political beliefs, but with this knowledge, they may also be able to influence their co-workers so that they too make more critical decisions about their political future.
Photo Credit:
Photographer: Mostafa Bassim
Title: Police clash with a mob of Trump supporters who breached security and stormed the U.S. Capitol building on Jan. 6, 2021.