Blog

The Twelve Days of Scholarly Peer Review

(a revised version of a series of tweets that I originally posted on Twitter (X) December 2019)

Reviewing papers for scholarly journals is an essential, unpaid service that many academics perform. But the process often raises lots of frustrations and unanswered questions. Meanwhile, unless they still have exams to evaluate and final grades to submit, the Christmas break is when many university instructors and professors attempt to fulfill their promises to review papers—or find themselves pressed into service to do so.

In the spirit of the famous Christmas carol, I bring you, “The Twelve Days of Scholarly Peer Review.”

On the 1st day of Christmas, a highly respected scholar-editor from a top-ranked journal invites you to peer review a paper perfectly aligned with your hyper-specialized expertise—but without specifying a due date.

On the 2nd day of Christmas, after you agree to review the paper, the editor informs you that the review is due in two weeks.

On the 3rd day of Christmas, you open the manuscript, only to discover that it’s riddled with track changes edits.

On the 4th day of Christmas, as you continue reviewing the paper, you realize not only is the manuscript filled with track changes, but the author(s)’ names are still visible—violating the blind review component of the process.

On the 5th day of Christmas, frustrated by the lack of response from the editor to your concerns, you e-mail the journal’s editorial office again. You then spend an hour tracking down the editor’s university contact information, only to get an out-of-office reply. A phone call to the office yields no answer, so you leave a voicemail and add “find better things to do with my life” to your New Year’s resolutions.

On the 6th day of Christmas, you realize the author(s) have lifted significant portions from your seminal article, “The Mating Behavior of the Tsetse Fly in Africa During the 17th Century.” You spend the next 24 hours mentally rehearsing how to frame your indignation (but with a professional tone). You briefly consider writing a strongly worded letter to the editor about academic malfeasance.

On the 7th day of Christmas, despite ignoring your previous e-mails and voicemail, you receive an e-mail from the editor remindering you that the review is due in one week. You stare at the e-mail and wonder if they’ve mistaken you for an unpaid intern.

On the 8th day of Christmas, after the kids, your spouse, and the dog are finally asleep, and despite being exhausted, you spend two hours drafting the review—motivated by guilt, professional integrity, and a misguided belief that this will somehow benefit your career. You add “start a blog about academic labor” to your to-do list.

On the 9th day of Christmas, you re-open the manuscript to double-check your critique before submission. To your dismay, you discover three additional flaws. You spend an extra hour revising your review, muttering a stream of academic-appropriate curses like, “This methodology is untenable,” and “Not clear if this study was approved by an IRB?” Finally, you submit it.

On the 10th day of Christmas, you notice that you didn’t receive an automatic confirmation for your submission. You begin to wonder if there’s an issue with the journal’s software. Reluctantly, you send yet another e-mail to the editor and the journal’s office.

On the 11th day of Christmas, the highly respected scholar-editor finally replies, informing you that the paper has been desk-rejected and your review is no longer needed.

On the 12th day of Christmas, the same editor asks if you’d review another manuscript in your hyper-specialized field. You briefly consider it before realizing you’ve spent far too little time with your family and assorted loved ones.

Photo Credit

Photographer Courtney Powell

Title: Drunk Santas March

What Do Criminologists Wear?

Growing up, my friend Mark (not his real name) shared a story from his teenage years about applying for a summer job at Switzer’s Delicatessen on Spadina Avenue. Following advice from his friends—or perhaps his mother—he donned the only suit he owned—a slightly ill-fitting one, took the TTC (Toronto’s public transportation system) to the deli, and introduced himself to the owner with the firmest handshake he could muster.

The owner gave him a quick once-over and said, “If you’re going to work here, you can’t be dressed in a suit—and you’d better be ready to get your clothes dirty.”

Similarly, when I was working in a correctional facility, both staff and inmates were encouraged to wear street clothing. This flexibility in dress code sometimes led detainees to ask me what crime I was in for—a question I might not have encountered if I’d been dressed more formally.

These experiences highlight how clothing influences our interactions and perceptions in professional settings. Whether it’s for a job interview, working in a criminal justice agency, or teaching in a classroom, attire is more than just fabric—it communicates authority, identity, and intention.

The Role of Clothing in Professional Contexts

My early lessons about the effect of clothing on different audiences resurfaced recently when I was browsing at a local bookstore in Washington, DC (yes, a few of them still exist). I stumbled upon a book titled What Artists Wear? and couldn’t help but wonder: Is there anything special about the clothes that criminologists wear?

The clothing worn by criminologists isn’t particularly unique compared to other social scientists, but it does play an important role in shaping perceptions.

Although I’m neither an expert on fashion nor style, my experience in street ethnography has sensitized me to how clothing can influence perception and interaction.

For example, when I started my first professor job, determined to project a  professional image, I wore a suit and tie for the entire first week. But it didn’t take long to realize I was overdressed for the role. Over time, I transitioned to a more personal “uniform”: a black T-shirt, black jeans, and black cowboy or biker boots—a subtle nod to Johnny Cash. I also grew my hair into a shoulder-length ponytail and, for a while, sported a collection of earrings and an ear cuff.

This evolution wasn’t just about comfort; it reflected a quiet rebellion against rigid academic expectations and a growing confidence in my identity. Had I kept that look today, I might easily be mistaken for an aging hippie. But in academia, such casual dressing walks a fine line: it might suggest brilliance and boldness—or simply that it’s laundry day.

Understandably the factors shaping clothing choices and their interpretations are not uniform. What we wear, when and where we wear it, how we choose to wear it, and how others perceive us are deeply influenced by gender norms, age, financial resources, cultural and regional practices, disciplinary orientation, and the specific setting all play a role in what we wear and how others perceive us.

Gendered Effects

Society expects men and women to dress in specific ways. In most Western societies, men often have more latitude in their clothing choices, while women face greater scrutiny. This heightened scrutiny likely contributes to increased pressure on women to dress more professionally.

Generational Components

Generational factors also influence clothing choices. Older professionals are generally not expected to dress like people in their 20s, and defying these norms can draw attention. For academics, balancing professionalism with individuality often involves navigating these generational expectations.

Money Talks

Financial considerations are another important factor. While tenured professors may afford a decent set of duds, adjunct instructors often lack the resources to dress professionally—let alone keep up with dry-cleaning bills. This disparity underscores broader inequities within academia.

Regional and Cultural Differences

There are also regional and cultural differences in how academics (criminologists or otherwise) dress. For example, when I attended the University of Toronto, no self-respecting male professor would come to class without a suit and tie (or equivalent professional outfit for women). However, when I moved to the United States to start graduate school (at the University of Colorado), I was surprised by professors wearing more casual clothing, such as shorts and Birkenstocks.

Dressing for the Occasion

Context is crucial when choosing what to wear. Criminologists, like other professionals, should consider their audience and the setting. There are about three primary contexts where criminologists’ attire tends to vary: the classroom, conferences, and fieldwork.

Teaching Mode

If I’m teaching and want to present myself professionally to students, colleagues, and staff, I dress business casual—neat and put-together without overdoing it. This doesn’t mean I wear a suit and tie, but a polo or button-down shirt and neatly pressed jeans, khakis, or chinos will suffice. On the rare occasions, I wear a suit to class—usually because I have an important meeting before or after—it raises eyebrows among students, colleagues, and staff, which engenders comments like “what’s ‘s up?” “Did you get a raise?” or “You’re looking more professional today.”

Conference participation

At academic conferences, and depending on your role (i.e., presenter, audience member, etc.), the appropriate attire can vary. For example, as a presenter, I tend to dress more professionally (usually business formal to business casual). It’s also common to wear more formal clothing on the day of your presentation and then dress more casually on the other days or in the evenings. Finding the right balance can be tricky, but it gets easier with experience, especially when many attendees appear uncomfortable in their clothes.

I will say however, that many European male criminologists dress with more style than their American counterparts, often adopting a “smart casual” or “business casual with a European twist” look. This style, also called “Continental Smart Casual,” typically features a dark blazer or suit jacket, a white dress shirt, and jeans—understated sophistication that is polished yet less rigid than a full suit. (Think of brands like Club Monaco, COS, Massimo Dutti, etc.). (Some of my male colleagues can even rock a 5 o’clock shadow 24 hours a day, a skill I have yet to perfect- but I am working on it). Similarly, many female criminologists embrace this look, sometimes incorporating tailored skirts or dresses that complement this style’s professional yet relaxed ethos. (Consider brands like Club Monaco, Massimo Dutti, Rag & Bone, Sandro, Theory, etc.).

Fieldwork Attire

The most significant variation in attire occurs when criminologists conduct fieldwork. For instance, when visiting a prison, I typically wear a suit or business casual clothing to convey professionalism and respect for both the environment and the individuals I engage with. Female criminologists, too, may select clothing that conveys authority, expertise, and respect—often opting for professional dresses or blouses instead of suits, depending on their personal style.

Conversely, when conducting research that involves street ethnography, which for me may include observing and speaking with graffiti writers or street artists, I opt for causal, non-threatening street clothes (not street wear) which are comfortable and appropriate for the setting. (A sturdy pair of running shoes also comes in handy if I ever need to high tail it out of a dodgy situation). Female researchers in these contexts might choose casual attire like pants and sneakers, blending in with the community they are studying, while also considering safety in certain situations.

Other Issues to Consider

Disciplinary Orientation

Another source of variation in clothing style may also be related to disciplinary orientation. For example, a former criminal justice practitioner turned university professor or a person working in a so-called ‘cop shop’ may be more profesh in their attire (This includes clothing brands like Everlane, etc.). Meanwhile Critical Criminologists may be more casual/rebellious in the dress, opting for torn jeans etc.. Then again the criminologists who are more interested in policy might dress more conservatively (Their clothing brands of choice might include Brooks Brothers, or Hickey Freeman etc.).

Exploring Identity

Attire also serves as a medium for self-expression. For some criminologists, clothing is not just functional but a way to infuse individuality and creativity into their professional lives. Accessories like tattoos or body modifications may further reflect this blending of personal and professional identities.

Tailoring Attire to the Situation

From blending into research settings to commanding respect in the classroom or projecting credibility at conferences, attire plays a crucial role for criminologists. Beyond selecting research topics, analyzing data, and communicating ideas to students and colleagues, decisions about what to wear are an important part of academic and professional life.

Photo Credit:

Photographer: Fourbyfourblazer

Title: Ross Dress for Less

Manhunts and the American Imagination

The recent shooting of Brian Thompson, CEO of UnitedHealthcare, on the streets of New York City has reignited debates about the ethics of health insurance companies and their shortchanging of the American public. However, the dominant narrative in the news media seems to center on America’s enduring fascination with manhunts.

From Hollywood portrayals of lone sheriffs and posses, to television series on bounty hunters, to real-life searches for infamous criminals and suspects, manhunts capture public, media, law enforcement, and politicians attention.  

Cultural Fascination

Numerous classic films (e.g., Cool Hand Luke [1967]), television series (e.g., Manhunt), cable news networks, and other cultural industries frequently employ the manhunt trope. At the outset of these searches, media coverage is typically intense, exploring almost every conceivable angle (e.g., the shooter’s motives,  potential accomplices, the type of weapon/s used, etc.). These narratives often follow a predictable progression: escape, manhunt, and possible capture. Audiences are presented with images of the victim, their family or loved ones, witness interviews, and recurring press conferences featuring a Chief of Police or Public Information Officer.

If the person of interest is not captured quickly, the story’s prominence in the news often depends on the availability of competing stories. Sustaining coverage over an extended period can become challenging for the news media in such cases.

Contextual Variables in Manhunts

The success and intensity of these pursuits however, depend heavily on context. Factors such as What type of crime was committed?  How many people are killed and injured? Who was the target? What is the social status of the person? How well known is the person? Where does it take place? And how long does the crime take place? These kinds of baseline factors  precondition the response of other actors like the news media, law enforcement and politicians.   

Urban vs. Rural Challenges

One of the most significant factors in a criminal investigation is the location where the crime occurred and where the suspect is believed to have fled. This variable shapes other critical elements, such as the availability of eyewitnesses, the likelihood of cell phone footage, interactions with bystanders, and access to potentially useful CCTV footage.

The crime’s location is especially crucial in the immediate aftermath, typically within the first few hours. During this window, a suspect may have left the city or town quickly—potentially boarding a plane and fleeing out of state or even out of the country.

In urban environments, suspects often exploit the density and complexity of the setting. They can blend into crowds and use various transportation options—buses, subways, or rideshares—without drawing significant attention. The abundance of people and infrastructure in cities can work to the suspect’s advantage, making it harder for law enforcement to track their movements swiftly.

In contrast, crimes committed in rural or remote areas present different challenges to law enforcement. In smaller towns or sparsely populated regions, there are fewer witnesses, limited CCTV coverage, and fewer immediate leads for investigators. Once a suspect reaches a remote or wilderness location, tracking and apprehending them becomes even more difficult.

For example, Eric Rudolph, the Olympic Park and abortion clinic bomber, evaded capture for five years by fleeing to the Appalachian Mountains. His survival skills allowed him to live off the grid in a relatively isolated environment, complicating law enforcement efforts to locate him.

Technology & Resources

Another important facet of contemporary American manhunts is the power of technology. 

Innovations like facial recognition and drones have revolutionized tracking efforts in both urban and rural environments. Satellite technology, capable of identifying temperature variations, and night vision tools that detect heat signatures in darkness further enhance the ability to locate individuals in challenging conditions. While these advances in technology, have improved law enforcement’s capabilities, detection and capture in remote areas remain a significant challenge.

Equally critical are resource allocation and jurisdictional challenges, which often complicate these operations. Manhunts demand significant manpower and logistical support, frequently straining an agency’s budget. The sheer number of personnel required and the associated overtime costs can be overwhelming for law enforcement agencies.

Many law enforcement leaders view prolonged manhunts with apprehension—not due to accountability concerns or the need for frequent public updates, but primarily because of financial strain. Extended operations can wreak havoc on departmental budgets, with overtime expenses being a particularly pressing issue.

Rounding up 

Beyond the basics, manhunts also expose the public to different societal values, technological capabilities, and the allocation of resources. The fascination they inspire connects the public to themes of justice, pursuit, and spectacle. However, as our tools and expectations evolve, so too must our understanding of the logistical, ethical, and cultural complexities of this phenomenon.