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Why Virginia’s Cooperation with ICE is a Misguided Policy & Practice

Following Indiana Governor Mike Braun’s lead, Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin recently signed an executive order enabling state and local law enforcement agencies (and jails) to assist federal authorities, specifically Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), in detaining and extraditing undocumented immigrants. This policy is neither new nor effective—it has been tried with predictable consequences, including strained community relations, legal challenges, and misallocation of law enforcement resources.

Proponents of these efforts argue they enhance public safety by removing dangerous criminals and strengthening immigration enforcement. However, data from previous implementations challenges these claims. A 2019 study by the Cato Institute found no statistically significant impact on crime rates in jurisdictions that implemented similar cooperation agreements.

Focusing on law enforcement agencies, if police departments effectively manage crime control, order maintenance, and prevention, they have little surplus capacity to devote to federal immigration enforcement. Under Youngkin’s order, local agencies would be required to inquire about immigration status during arrests and notify ICE of undocumented individuals in custody—tasks that require additional training, personnel hours, and administrative resources.

Most agencies already operate with limited resources, and any excess funding, personnel, or expertise should be reinvested in initiatives that foster community engagement and reduce crime.

Law enforcement should focus on proven programs that build trust and deter criminal activity at its roots rather than acting as an extension of ICE.

For example, law enforcement agencies could strengthen their community policing efforts by engaging more with local schools and neighborhoods. Programs like the discontinued Police Athletic League (PAL) centers in Baltimore once provided police led after-school supervision, organized sports, and academic support—initiatives that have been shown to steer young people away from crime.

Similarly, the Gang Resistance Education and Training (GREAT) program (including a very successful one operating in Alexandria, VA) has demonstrated long-term success in reducing gang involvement and delinquency among high school students. A 2013 longitudinal study found participants were 39% less likely to join gangs than their non-participating peers. Instead of diverting resources to immigration enforcement, law enforcement agencies should expand these evidence-based programs that directly contribute to public safety.

Past collaborations between local police and ICE have not only failed to reduce crime but have also undermined trust between law enforcement and immigrant communities. A 2020 study by University of California San Diego Professor Tom K. Wong found that 287(g) agreements reduced crime reporting in Latino communities by approximately 22%. When local officers are seen as immigration enforcers, undocumented residents become less likely to report crimes, serve as witnesses, or cooperate in investigations, making communities less safe for everyone.

Rather than enabling federal immigration enforcement, which stretches resources thin and weakens public trust, state and local law enforcement agencies should focus on strategies that improve safety. Investing in community policing, youth engagement, and crime prevention programs is a far more effective and responsible use of taxpayer dollars.

Governors, law enforcement agencies, and communities need to carefully think through whether assisting ICE makes sense to deal with crime and illegal immigration. While it may align with current federal immigration priorities, the evidence suggests it does more harm than good for local public safety.

Photo Credit:

HSI Special Response Team (SRT) members training using armored vehicle at Fort Benning, Georgia

The Never-Ending Demonization of the American Inner City

This past week, Trump proposed an executive order aimed at increasing sentences for violent crimes (especially gun-related), quality-of-life offenses (e.g., public urination),  the clearing of homeless encampments, and the removal of graffiti from national monuments in the District of Columbia.

Notwithstanding whether Trump has the legal authority to impose these sanctions, over the past century, a concerted effort by various political figures, political parties (especially Republicans directed against Democratically controlled cities), real estate developers, news media, popular culture industries, especially Hollywood has portrayed inner cities as entirely dangerous and rife with undesirable elements—ranging from poor and homeless people, immigrants, and criminals, to excessive garbage, graffiti, street art, and urban blight.

This narrative has not only shaped public perceptions but has also contributed to the growth of suburban and exurban areas, migration to these locations, and policies surrounding urban and regional development.

From political campaigns during the “War on Drugs” to crime-focused films, television series, and sensationalist news reports, these depictions have painted urban environments as a threat to the alleged safety and stability of suburban/exurban life. However, the impact of this narrative extends beyond migration trends—it has also led to policies that further entrenched inequality and stigmatized urban areas.

And the problem is too many people believe this shit.

This demonization has had tangible effects. Cities such as Detroit, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh, once important centers of industry, commerce, and education, have experienced a significant decline. Their tax bases have eroded, forcing them to operate with fewer resources. As a result, public transportation systems, public housing, critical infrastructure, air quality, green spaces, neighborhoods, social and public health services, public safety, and retail and commercial areas have all suffered. In contrast, suburban areas have mostly flourished, benefiting from a growing tax base and better infrastructure, including highways that connect these communities to urban centers.

Media portrayals perpetuate the stereotype of the dangerous inner city. Popular nighttime television shows and films depict law enforcement combating street criminals in gritty, crime-ridden neighborhoods. These narratives have shaped the perceptions of many, particularly suburbanites, rural residents, and exurbanites, regularly exposed to these negative depictions.

Political figures, such as Donald Trump and right-wing pundits, have capitalized on this fear, tapping into the anxieties of the middle class. They have helped fuel a larger societal divide among urban, suburban, and rural America by framing the inner city as a place of chaos and danger.

However, it is essential to acknowledge that while certain parts of cities struggle with poverty, crime, etc., these issues are complex and multi-faceted. The notion that entire cities are dangerous oversimplifies the reality. Most cities are socio-economically, ethnically, and racially diverse, with many thriving neighborhoods and cultural hubs. Moreover, the focus on urban decay often ignores the challenges suburban and rural areas face. For example, these latter areas also have their own pockets of poverty and violence, which are frequently overlooked by the media and our politicians. Dangerous enclaves exist not only in cities but also in less densely populated regions.

While political and media forces have unfairly demonized inner cities, it is crucial to understand the full scope of urban, suburban, and rural challenges. Addressing urban decline requires a nuanced approach that considers the real struggles of city life and the broader political, social, and economic contexts in which these issues exist. The truth is that when it comes to cities, especially the inner city, not everything is broken. It’s time to drop the stereotypes and call out the tropes used and how false they are. These portrayals are too simplistic.

Photo Credit

Photographer: Rd Kohler

Title: Baltimore Row Houses Near Bond Street

Tracing the History of Documenting and Sharing Images of Graffiti & Street Art

The documentation and dissemination of images of contemporary graffiti and street art have been integral to its existence and development.

Meanwhile, how people have shared images of this material has evolved.

Much of this shift parallels advances in photographic, computer, digital, and web-based technology and the culture’s response to these developments.

While practitioners and audiences have always seen graffiti and street art firsthand, the medium’s ephemeral nature necessitated documentation for preservation and sharing.

For some subway and freight train writers, the mobility of their canvas provided a unique form of exposure. Their work traveled to different parts of the city, region, or country, creating a dynamic showcase.

Meanwhile, photos were taken and exchanged through interpersonal networks, and some of these images were reproduced in zines, magazines, and books or featured in or referenced in films.

These publications, often produced with limited resources, became vital archives of the movement’s evolution and helped establish graffiti’s visual language. Films like Style Wars (1983) and books such as Subway Art(1984) further cemented the importance of documentation in graffiti culture.

The Digital Revolution Begins

In 1993, a significant shift occurred when Susan Farrell, then a master’s student in computer science at Georgia Tech, began posting her graffiti photographs online under the name Art Crimes. She was later joined by Brett Webb, a student at the University of Southern California. Their efforts coincided with the rise of the World Wide Web, and in 1994, they launched www.graffiti.org, one of the first dedicated online platforms for graffiti documentation.

The site quickly attracted attention from graffiti writers and the news media, including coverage in The Atlantic, Newsweek, and Scientific American. Over time, the domain transitioned to www.artcrimes.com, with Farrell serving as head curator and Webb as assistant curator and system administrator. Though they were passionate about the work, sustaining the project without financial backing became increasingly challenging.

Social Media’s Impact on Documentation and Style

The landscape of graffiti (and street art) image-sharing underwent another change in the mid-2000s with the emergence of social media. The launch of Facebook (2004), Flickr (2004), and YouTube (2005) provided new avenues for graffiti writers and street artists to showcase their work to a global audience. The introduction of the iPhone in 2007, with its built-in camera and subsequent video capabilities, further accelerated the ease of capturing and sharing graffiti and street art in real-time.

Platforms like Instagram, which started in 2010, had a critical transformational impact on graffiti and street art. Reflecting on this shift, Webb noted, “Instagram was a game changer. It was the modern equivalent of sending photos in the mail to fellow graffiti writers.”

This website influenced how work was shared and the nature of the work itself. Practitioners began considering how their pieces would appear on the app, sometimes choosing locations and styles that would photograph well for social media.

However, this digital evolution came with tradeoffs: While reach expanded the reach of graffiti and street art images, the intimate connection of physical sharing networks diminished, and corporate algorithms began influencing visibility.

Seeking Independence from Mainstream Social Media Controls

As mainstream social media platforms became increasingly commercialized, particularly following Elon Musk’s acquisition of Twitter (X), many graffiti writers, street artists, and enthusiasts felt that the countercultural spirit that had long defined graffiti had been lost. They began seeking alternative spaces to share and view this content.

In response to these developments, over the last few years, dedicated mobile apps, such as Graff Map, Grafy Map, MASA Street Art, Spray Street, and Street Art Cities, that support user photo uploads have become available on the Apple App and Google Play stores. These tools attempt to reclaim the community-focused sharing ethos of graffiti’s earlier days.

For Webb, the creator of the Spray Street App,  “I got to thinking that I would like to have a private app catering to photographs for urban art that would not be supported by ad revenue,” Webb explained. “The community needs to have its own tools. If we can move away from corporate platforms, that’s a win.”

The Future

While social media has increased the reach of graffiti writers and street artists, dedicated art photo-sharing apps demonstrate the community’s desire to maintain autonomy over how their work is shared and preserved.

This tension between accessibility and authenticity shapes how graffiti and street art are documented and shared. As new technologies emerge, the graffiti and street art community’s approach to documentation will likely continue to evolve, balancing the benefits of broad exposure with the need to maintain the culture’s independent spirit and artistic integrity.

Photo Credit

Title: Share Key

Photographer: Mike Lawrence