Over the past four decades, one of the most interesting things that occurred in the urban visual landscape, has been the presence of graffiti (and street art). This form of public art has happened in big cities, in all regions and countries, throughout the world regardless of climate, geography, and political systems that govern them.
Why is this important?
The emergence of graffiti and street art in different cities is often a reflection of the cultural identity, social dynamics, and street culture of neighborhoods located in a particular urban environment.
By studying the emergence of graffiti (and street art) in a particular urban setting, we can gain insights into the urban culture, values, and concerns of different communities.
Graffiti/street art is sometimes a form of artistic expression that challenges traditional notions of art and public space. It allows individuals and groups to voice their opinions and engage with their surroundings in creative ways.
Graffiti and street art has also become a major tourist attraction in many cities, drawing visitors who are interested in all manner of urban art and urban culture.
Graffiti/Street Art can have significant impacts on urban planning, urban public space, and policy decisions. Cities often grapple with questions of whether to embrace graffiti/street art as part of their cultural heritage or to treat it primarily as vandalism. Understanding its spread can inform policy-making in areas such as public art initiatives and graffiti removal strategies.
In some cases, graffiti and street art can serves as a tool for community engagement and empowerment. By involving local residents in the creation of urban public art, cities can foster a sense of ownership and pride in public spaces.
Questions begging to be answered
Nevertheless, this phenomenon raises numerous interrelated and intriguing questions:
When did graffiti (and street art) emerge in these cities?
What factors propelled its appearance?
Why were individuals participating in it?
Where was graffiti/street art placed?
What unique styles emerged in these contexts?
Did unique practices arise in these locations, and if so, what were they and why?
How did the patterns here compare to those in different cities worldwide?
Who engaged in graffiti and later street art?
How pervasive was the graffiti/street art and is it still prevalent?
What effects or responses did it have?
Answering these questions not only serves as an intellectual exercise, but should help us to understand the globalization of graffiti and street art. The results of such a study could be of interest not only past and present graffiti writers but also enthusiasts and experts in various fields, including art history, graffiti and street art studies, subculture analysis, legal studies, urban history, urban space, and urban studies.
Although significant scholarly research has explored the emergence of graffiti in the United States, fewer academic studies have analyzed its diffusion in other countries. These investigations, however, are equally vital because, like many phenomena, there have always been cross-national conversations among graffiti writers who traveled overseas.
Unlike today with the existence of the World Wide Web and multiple electronic communication channels, the early diffusion of graffiti culture was encouraged through various means, including the screening of documentaries like Wild Style, (1983) and Style Wars (1983), publication of Martha Cooper and Henry Chalfant’s book Subway Art (1984), and distribution of numerous zines dedicated to graffiti.
Additionally, mobile youth culture, especially among Americans, Australians, Europeans, and New Zealanders aged 18 to 35, played a significant role in the diffusion of graffiti. Many of these people backpacked around the world, observing and participating in graffiti culture in different countries, contributing to its global spread.
Where do things stand?
Predictably there are numerous gaps in the English language literature on the diffusion of graffiti outside of the United States. Specifically, although some aspects of this type of public urban art form were covered in popular media such as newspapers and magazines, comprehensive information is often relegated to more obscure publications, such as graffiti zines, which may reside in archives or private collections. Complicating matters further, many early participants in foreign graffiti scenes have either passed away, relocated from their original cities, or become inaccessible due to disability. Consequently, firsthand accounts from these pivotal figures are challenging to obtain.
To address these gaps, and keeping in mind that some urban environments are more pivotal in the growth of graffiti and street art, it’s important to research, write and publish detailed, thoughtful and engaging case studies examining the emergence of graffiti and street art in major cities worldwide. Such studies are crucial for comprehending the cultural significance and societal impact of this art form not only locally but on a global scale. Additionally, researchers should prioritize making their findings accessible in a variety of languages. By facilitating translation efforts, for example, we can promote greater cross-cultural understanding and appreciation of graffiti as a significant public art form.
Photo credit
BSC Eintracht/Sudring 1931 e V, Berlin
Photographer: Jeffrey Ian Ross, Ph.D.
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/IMG_4279-scaled.jpg19202560Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-27 22:28:512024-04-27 22:28:51Deconstructing the diffusion of contemporary graffiti in major cities around the world
Some people may assume that street culture, defined as “the beliefs, dispositions, ideologies, informal rules, practices, styles, symbols, and values associated with, adopted by, and engaged in by individuals and organizations that spend a disproportionate amount of time on the streets of large urban centers” (Ross, 2018, p. 8), or elements thereof, are unique to particular communities, neighborhoods, cities, countries, or regions.
Why might individuals hold this impression? Casual observers, including tourists, often encounter vibrant or unusual street cultures in “hip” places like Williamsburg (New York City), Hackney (London), or Shimokitazawa (Tokyo), or dangerous urban areas (often referred to as ghettos, barrios, favelas or “no go areas”) such as Rocinha, Rio de Janeiro, Scampia, Naples, Tower Hamlets, London. This often leads the bystanders or spectators to believe that the behaviors and dispositions of people that they observe on the street in these locations are unique to these places. For instance, while certain elements of streetwear (e.g., shoes, hats, jackets, etc.) or body modifications (e.g., tattoos, body piercings, etc.) (prominent visual aspects of street culture), may indeed have originated in these areas, it’s inaccurate to suggest that they are exclusive to them.
There are likely three primary reasons why there is considerable dissemination of street culture.
First, individuals in advanced industrialized democracies are relatively mobile. They freely move from one neighborhood, city, county, state, region, or country to another. For instance, people may reside in one part of a urban location, work in another, and spend their leisure time in a completely different area.
Second, in today’s globalized world, individuals are exposed to a plethora of media forms, signs and significations, and diverse information sources. They have the freedom to select, be influenced by, and integrate various cultural elements into their thinking and behavioral repertoires.
Third, when considering streetwear or fashion most people’s clothing choices are often serendipitous rather than the result of conscious decisions. Sure, they might dress according to the occasion, be it work, leisure, or sports, but they may equally simply reach into their drawers or open their closets and select an item that first catches their eye, one that is clean, or that they have not worn for a while.
That being said, there are also numerous examples where selected elements of street culture thought to be generalizable to communities, neighborhoods, etc. worldwide don’t work (or travel well). For example, Elijah Anderson posits that the “Code of the Street” phenomenon (a set of informal rules and expectations governing interpersonal behavior, particularly among residents of inner-city neighborhoods in the United States that includes norms about respect, territoriality, street smarts, and the use of violence) not only applies to the North Philadelphia neighborhood of Sugar Hill, where he did his fieldwork, but to similar neighborhoods around the world. Scholarship by Sebastian Kurtenbach and colleagues, for example, indicates that the code of the street phenomenon is not as universal as Anderson implies.
What are the implications of these observations? It suggests that when conducting research on or making generalizations about street culture, it’s crucial to recognize that what occurs in one neighborhood may or may not happen in others as well. Therefore, findings may not be as unique as initially assumed. Equally important is to understand is what enables or frustrates their dissemination, and who and why they adopt these dispositions and behaviors.
In conclusion, understanding if street culture is special to particular neighborhoods or if we see similar patterns in other communities is important not just for research and understanding purposes, but it could assist in efforts to engage communities, the distribution of scarce resources, policy development, and the implementation of social programs. By acknowledging the mobility of individuals, the influence of media, and the serendipitous nature of human behavior, we can appreciate the interconnectedness of street cultures worldwide.
Photo Credit
Title: Cholo style, originating from Chicanos in the US, can be seen here as adopted by men from Cacos 13, a gang from the La Neza neighbourhood of Mexico City.
Photographer: CC by 2.0
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/Screenshot-2024-04-20-at-11.19.11 PM.png11701504Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-21 08:23:002024-04-21 08:44:21Does Street Culture Travel?
Numerous scholarly books and texts designed for classroom use about the field of corrections have been researched, written and published. The overall tenor of these works, however, is conservative, emphasising a management perspective, and outlining the nuts and bolts of how prisons work, the job functions of correctional workers, conditions inside correctional facilities, the different types of inmates, etc.
There is an underlying logic to this instructional content. To begin with, corrections is typically taught in community colleges and universities as part of a larger curriculum in Criminology and Criminal Justice. Putting pure interest aside, students who take classes in this field are typically either current or prospective criminal justice practitioners. They believe that knowing about jails, prisons, inmates, policies, etc. might assist them in their jobs, enable them to secure work in this subfield, or help them to decide if they want a career as a correctional worker or administrator. But this approach to pedagogy is usually system affirming, one that seeks to reinforce rather than change the status quo.
Criminologists, however, should avoid this perspective to the subject. We should always strive to improve the criminal justice system, to apply the knowledge we have accumulated, to improve working conditions, and to increase the likelihood that incarcerated people re-enter society rehabilitated. Few of the books on jails and prisons, however, approach the subject in a critical manner.
That being said, approximately three decades ago, a new academic perspective emerged – one that prioritised the voices of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals. Convict Criminology was born not only to share the lived experience insights of this often ignored or marginalised group, but also to assist them in earning doctoral degrees and finding their rightful place in academia.
In addition to its noble goals, Convict Criminology has also encompassed strong mentoring, teaching, activist and public policy components.
Many individuals who have been exposed to and/or adopted the Convict Criminology approach have assisted numerous inmates and formerly incarcerated people. These men and women, either when they are behind bars or released, find it liberating, recognise that in terms of the knowledge they have accumulated (between the time of their initial arrest to that of release), their lived experience might advance the scholarly field of corrections, criminology and criminal justice.
Over the years, a significant amount of scholarship on Convict Criminology has been published, including peer-reviewed articles, chapters and books. It was only a matter of time before a comprehensive text consolidating and interpreting the existing literature on Convict Criminology was available.
Introduction to Convict Criminology traces the history of Convict Criminology and its numerous accomplishments. It reviews the challenges of and solutions to teaching convicts and formerly incarcerated individuals, mentoring convicts and formerly incarcerated students; activism and public policy work; and the future of Convict Criminology.
Convict Criminology is not only a critical approach to the study of corrections, criminology and criminal justice, but it has also given hope to numerous men and women. One must keep in mind that the whole Convict Criminology approach is not simply for people who are convicts or ex-convicts, but also for people interested in the Convict Criminology praxis who have had contact or been involved with, or impacted by, the criminal justice system. Although they may not have been incarcerated, they may have been arrested, charged but not convicted of a criminal offence, may have a criminal record but did not serve time, or they may have a loved one who was incarcerated.
Convict Criminology could not have achieved so much without the support of numerous individuals committed to its goals. And in many respects this book is a result of these efforts.
Jeffrey Ian Ross is Professor in the School of Criminal Justice and Research Fellow with the Center for International and Comparative Law and the Schaefer Center for Public Policy at the University of Baltimore.
The views and opinions expressed on this blog site are solely those of the original blog post authors and other contributors. These views and opinions do not necessarily represent those of the Policy Press and/or any/all contributors to this site.
Image: Gwénaëlle Moalic Lorre
https://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/Screenshot-2024-04-15-at-8.09.24 PM.png426710Jeffrey Ian Rosshttps://jeffreyianross.com/wp-content/uploads/jeffrey-ian-ross-logo-04.pngJeffrey Ian Ross2024-04-15 18:22:282024-04-15 19:57:13Criminology to challenge the status quo
Deconstructing the diffusion of contemporary graffiti in major cities around the world
/by Jeffrey Ian RossOver the past four decades, one of the most interesting things that occurred in the urban visual landscape, has been the presence of graffiti (and street art). This form of public art has happened in big cities, in all regions and countries, throughout the world regardless of climate, geography, and political systems that govern them.
Why is this important?
The emergence of graffiti and street art in different cities is often a reflection of the cultural identity, social dynamics, and street culture of neighborhoods located in a particular urban environment.
By studying the emergence of graffiti (and street art) in a particular urban setting, we can gain insights into the urban culture, values, and concerns of different communities.
Graffiti/street art is sometimes a form of artistic expression that challenges traditional notions of art and public space. It allows individuals and groups to voice their opinions and engage with their surroundings in creative ways.
Many contemporary graffiti and street art pieces convey powerful social and political messages. By analyzing these artworks, especially the early ones, we can better understand the issues and struggles faced by individuals and communities in urban environments.
Graffiti and street art has also become a major tourist attraction in many cities, drawing visitors who are interested in all manner of urban art and urban culture.
Graffiti/Street Art can have significant impacts on urban planning, urban public space, and policy decisions. Cities often grapple with questions of whether to embrace graffiti/street art as part of their cultural heritage or to treat it primarily as vandalism. Understanding its spread can inform policy-making in areas such as public art initiatives and graffiti removal strategies.
In some cases, graffiti and street art can serves as a tool for community engagement and empowerment. By involving local residents in the creation of urban public art, cities can foster a sense of ownership and pride in public spaces.
Questions begging to be answered
Nevertheless, this phenomenon raises numerous interrelated and intriguing questions:
Answering these questions not only serves as an intellectual exercise, but should help us to understand the globalization of graffiti and street art. The results of such a study could be of interest not only past and present graffiti writers but also enthusiasts and experts in various fields, including art history, graffiti and street art studies, subculture analysis, legal studies, urban history, urban space, and urban studies.
Although significant scholarly research has explored the emergence of graffiti in the United States, fewer academic studies have analyzed its diffusion in other countries. These investigations, however, are equally vital because, like many phenomena, there have always been cross-national conversations among graffiti writers who traveled overseas.
Unlike today with the existence of the World Wide Web and multiple electronic communication channels, the early diffusion of graffiti culture was encouraged through various means, including the screening of documentaries like Wild Style, (1983) and Style Wars (1983), publication of Martha Cooper and Henry Chalfant’s book Subway Art (1984), and distribution of numerous zines dedicated to graffiti.
Additionally, mobile youth culture, especially among Americans, Australians, Europeans, and New Zealanders aged 18 to 35, played a significant role in the diffusion of graffiti. Many of these people backpacked around the world, observing and participating in graffiti culture in different countries, contributing to its global spread.
Where do things stand?
Predictably there are numerous gaps in the English language literature on the diffusion of graffiti outside of the United States. Specifically, although some aspects of this type of public urban art form were covered in popular media such as newspapers and magazines, comprehensive information is often relegated to more obscure publications, such as graffiti zines, which may reside in archives or private collections. Complicating matters further, many early participants in foreign graffiti scenes have either passed away, relocated from their original cities, or become inaccessible due to disability. Consequently, firsthand accounts from these pivotal figures are challenging to obtain.
To address these gaps, and keeping in mind that some urban environments are more pivotal in the growth of graffiti and street art, it’s important to research, write and publish detailed, thoughtful and engaging case studies examining the emergence of graffiti and street art in major cities worldwide. Such studies are crucial for comprehending the cultural significance and societal impact of this art form not only locally but on a global scale. Additionally, researchers should prioritize making their findings accessible in a variety of languages. By facilitating translation efforts, for example, we can promote greater cross-cultural understanding and appreciation of graffiti as a significant public art form.
Photo credit
BSC Eintracht/Sudring 1931 e V, Berlin
Photographer: Jeffrey Ian Ross, Ph.D.
Does Street Culture Travel?
/by Jeffrey Ian RossSome people may assume that street culture, defined as “the beliefs, dispositions, ideologies, informal rules, practices, styles, symbols, and values associated with, adopted by, and engaged in by individuals and organizations that spend a disproportionate amount of time on the streets of large urban centers” (Ross, 2018, p. 8), or elements thereof, are unique to particular communities, neighborhoods, cities, countries, or regions.
Why might individuals hold this impression? Casual observers, including tourists, often encounter vibrant or unusual street cultures in “hip” places like Williamsburg (New York City), Hackney (London), or Shimokitazawa (Tokyo), or dangerous urban areas (often referred to as ghettos, barrios, favelas or “no go areas”) such as Rocinha, Rio de Janeiro, Scampia, Naples, Tower Hamlets, London. This often leads the bystanders or spectators to believe that the behaviors and dispositions of people that they observe on the street in these locations are unique to these places. For instance, while certain elements of streetwear (e.g., shoes, hats, jackets, etc.) or body modifications (e.g., tattoos, body piercings, etc.) (prominent visual aspects of street culture), may indeed have originated in these areas, it’s inaccurate to suggest that they are exclusive to them.
There are likely three primary reasons why there is considerable dissemination of street culture.
First, individuals in advanced industrialized democracies are relatively mobile. They freely move from one neighborhood, city, county, state, region, or country to another. For instance, people may reside in one part of a urban location, work in another, and spend their leisure time in a completely different area.
Second, in today’s globalized world, individuals are exposed to a plethora of media forms, signs and significations, and diverse information sources. They have the freedom to select, be influenced by, and integrate various cultural elements into their thinking and behavioral repertoires.
Third, when considering streetwear or fashion most people’s clothing choices are often serendipitous rather than the result of conscious decisions. Sure, they might dress according to the occasion, be it work, leisure, or sports, but they may equally simply reach into their drawers or open their closets and select an item that first catches their eye, one that is clean, or that they have not worn for a while.
That being said, there are also numerous examples where selected elements of street culture thought to be generalizable to communities, neighborhoods, etc. worldwide don’t work (or travel well). For example, Elijah Anderson posits that the “Code of the Street” phenomenon (a set of informal rules and expectations governing interpersonal behavior, particularly among residents of inner-city neighborhoods in the United States that includes norms about respect, territoriality, street smarts, and the use of violence) not only applies to the North Philadelphia neighborhood of Sugar Hill, where he did his fieldwork, but to similar neighborhoods around the world. Scholarship by Sebastian Kurtenbach and colleagues, for example, indicates that the code of the street phenomenon is not as universal as Anderson implies.
What are the implications of these observations? It suggests that when conducting research on or making generalizations about street culture, it’s crucial to recognize that what occurs in one neighborhood may or may not happen in others as well. Therefore, findings may not be as unique as initially assumed. Equally important is to understand is what enables or frustrates their dissemination, and who and why they adopt these dispositions and behaviors.
In conclusion, understanding if street culture is special to particular neighborhoods or if we see similar patterns in other communities is important not just for research and understanding purposes, but it could assist in efforts to engage communities, the distribution of scarce resources, policy development, and the implementation of social programs. By acknowledging the mobility of individuals, the influence of media, and the serendipitous nature of human behavior, we can appreciate the interconnectedness of street cultures worldwide.
Photo Credit
Title: Cholo style, originating from Chicanos in the US, can be seen here as adopted by men from Cacos 13, a gang from the La Neza neighbourhood of Mexico City.
Photographer: CC by 2.0
Criminology to challenge the status quo
/by Jeffrey Ian Ross(This article was originally published on Transforming Society April 15, 2024).
Numerous scholarly books and texts designed for classroom use about the field of corrections have been researched, written and published. The overall tenor of these works, however, is conservative, emphasising a management perspective, and outlining the nuts and bolts of how prisons work, the job functions of correctional workers, conditions inside correctional facilities, the different types of inmates, etc.
There is an underlying logic to this instructional content. To begin with, corrections is typically taught in community colleges and universities as part of a larger curriculum in Criminology and Criminal Justice. Putting pure interest aside, students who take classes in this field are typically either current or prospective criminal justice practitioners. They believe that knowing about jails, prisons, inmates, policies, etc. might assist them in their jobs, enable them to secure work in this subfield, or help them to decide if they want a career as a correctional worker or administrator. But this approach to pedagogy is usually system affirming, one that seeks to reinforce rather than change the status quo.
Criminologists, however, should avoid this perspective to the subject. We should always strive to improve the criminal justice system, to apply the knowledge we have accumulated, to improve working conditions, and to increase the likelihood that incarcerated people re-enter society rehabilitated. Few of the books on jails and prisons, however, approach the subject in a critical manner.
That being said, approximately three decades ago, a new academic perspective emerged – one that prioritised the voices of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals. Convict Criminology was born not only to share the lived experience insights of this often ignored or marginalised group, but also to assist them in earning doctoral degrees and finding their rightful place in academia.
In addition to its noble goals, Convict Criminology has also encompassed strong mentoring, teaching, activist and public policy components.
Many individuals who have been exposed to and/or adopted the Convict Criminology approach have assisted numerous inmates and formerly incarcerated people. These men and women, either when they are behind bars or released, find it liberating, recognise that in terms of the knowledge they have accumulated (between the time of their initial arrest to that of release), their lived experience might advance the scholarly field of corrections, criminology and criminal justice.
Over the years, a significant amount of scholarship on Convict Criminology has been published, including peer-reviewed articles, chapters and books. It was only a matter of time before a comprehensive text consolidating and interpreting the existing literature on Convict Criminology was available.
Introduction to Convict Criminology traces the history of Convict Criminology and its numerous accomplishments. It reviews the challenges of and solutions to teaching convicts and formerly incarcerated individuals, mentoring convicts and formerly incarcerated students; activism and public policy work; and the future of Convict Criminology.
Convict Criminology is not only a critical approach to the study of corrections, criminology and criminal justice, but it has also given hope to numerous men and women. One must keep in mind that the whole Convict Criminology approach is not simply for people who are convicts or ex-convicts, but also for people interested in the Convict Criminology praxis who have had contact or been involved with, or impacted by, the criminal justice system. Although they may not have been incarcerated, they may have been arrested, charged but not convicted of a criminal offence, may have a criminal record but did not serve time, or they may have a loved one who was incarcerated.
Convict Criminology could not have achieved so much without the support of numerous individuals committed to its goals. And in many respects this book is a result of these efforts.
Jeffrey Ian Ross is Professor in the School of Criminal Justice and Research Fellow with the Center for International and Comparative Law and the Schaefer Center for Public Policy at the University of Baltimore.
Introduction to Convict Criminology By Jeffrey Ian Ross is available on the Bristol University Press website. Order the book here for £27.99.
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The views and opinions expressed on this blog site are solely those of the original blog post authors and other contributors. These views and opinions do not necessarily represent those of the Policy Press and/or any/all contributors to this site.
Image: Gwénaëlle Moalic Lorre